中国街区统筹更新中的协同治理模式研究——基于上海、 北京、深圳的多案例比较

Collaborative Governance Models in China's IntegratedNeighborhood Renewal: A Comparative Multi-Case Study ofShanghai, Beijing, and Shenzhen

关键词:  风景园林  街区统筹更新  协同治理  横向协同  纵向协同

Key words:  landscape architecture  integrated neighborhood renewal  collaborative governance  horizontal collaboration  vertical collaboration

摘要:

以上海大中里、深圳南头古城和北京历史街区申请式腾退3种代表性街区更新模式为研究对象，从横向协同治理与纵向协同治理2个维度，比较市场化旧 改、文化-审美更新和遗产规制更新中的主体纳入、权力结构、空间结果与社会后果。结果表明，3类协同模式并非线性替代关系，而是在不同城市发展逻辑和制 度条件下形成的差异化组合。大中里体现了政企联盟主导下的高效开发与社会主体缺席；南头展示了文化叙事和专业知识介入下的选择性协同；北京历史街区则 呈现强纵向统筹与广泛但效力有限的横向参与并存。协同治理的关键不在于主体数量多少或纵向控制强弱，而在于横向参与能否实质性影响方案形成、利益协调 和后续治理，纵向统筹能否提供制度支撑而不压缩社会与专业主体的行动空间。

Abstract:

In China's transition from expansion-oriented urban development to stock-based renewal, neighborhood-scale regeneration has increasingly moved beyond demolition and reconstruction towards integrated governance, long-term operation, and public-interest coordination. Yet collaborative governance is often discussed through the presence of multiple actors, while less attention is paid to whether these actors can influence decisions, how resources and responsibilities are allocated, and how higher-level policy objectives shape local action. To clarify these issues, this article develops a horizontal-vertical analytical framework. Horizontal collaboration refers to actor inclusion, role complementarity, and the actual influence of different actors on renewal agendas, spatial schemes, benefit distribution, and follow-up governance. Vertical collaboration refers to the transmission of policy objectives, the allocation of land, funding, approval authority, and operational resources, and the distribution of implementation, risk management, and accountability pressures across administrative and organizational levels. Drawing on this framework, the article compares three historically significant and typologically different cases of integrated neighborhood renewal: the market-oriented redevelopment of Dazhongli in Shanghai, the culturally and aesthetically driven renewal of Nantou in Shenzhen, and the heritage-regulatory renewal of Beijing's historic neighborhoods through the voluntary relocation mechanism. Based on policy and planning documents, project materials, media reports, academic and professional sources, semistructured interviews, and field observations, the comparison examines how horizontal and vertical collaboration were organized in each case, how they constrained or enabled each other, and how different collaborative configurations shaped spatial outcomes and social consequences. The findings show that the three cases do not form a simple linear sequence, but represent different collaborative configurations under changing urban development logics and institutional conditions. In Dazhongli, collaboration was concentrated within a government-developer alliance. Local government provided land, planning approval, relocation coordination, and institutional support, while the developer contributed capital, development capacity, and commercial operation. This arrangement enabled efficient project delivery and the transformation of an old lilong neighborhood into a high-end commercial complex. However, residents were largely positioned as compensated and relocated subjects rather than participants in deciding the future of the neighborhood, resulting in longterm consequences such as location loss, disruption of social networks, and family property conflicts. In Nantou, the inclusion of architects, curators, cultural workers, selected residents, and businesses expanded the interface of participation. Nevertheless, participation was filtered by cultural narratives, aesthetic strategies, and urban image-making goals. Professional actors helped reshape the value and image of the neighborhood, but ordinary tenants, low-end businesses, and migrant users were more easily marginalized. In Beijing's historic neighborhoods, vertical collaboration became more explicit and intensive, linking central protection principles, municipal coordination, district-level implementation, and state-owned enterprise execution. Although residents, planners, businesses, and NGOs were more widely included, their influence remained limited by a strong policy, resource, and responsibility structure. Collaborative governance in neighborhood renewal should not be assessed simply by the number of participating actors or the strength of vertical coordination. Its effectiveness depends on whether horizontal participation can enter agenda-setting, spatial decision-making, interest coordination, and followup governance, and whether vertical coordination can provide institutional support without reducing social and professional actors to executors of predefined objectives. The horizontal-vertical framework, therefore, offers a midlevel tool for comparing renewal practices and for understanding the relationship between actor agency and structural constraint in China's urban renewal. By linking inclusion with authority, resources, and responsibility, the framework also helps identify why formally widened participation may still produce limited collaborative effects in practice.